Research paper / Art’culo cient’fico=
An =
exploratory investigation of the perspectives of educated
parents on the gender roles and stereotypes in child and adolescent sexualit=
y
Una investigaci—n exploratoria de las perspectiva=
s
de padres educados sobre los roles y estereotipos de gŽnero en la sexualidad=
de
ni–os y adolescentes
=
Lourdes Huiracocha-Tutiven
Faculty of Medical Sciences, Universidad d=
e
Cuenca, Cuenca 010150, Ecuador
Autores de correspondencia: lourdes.huiracocha@ucuenca.edu.ec
Fecha
de recepci—n: 22 de abril 2022 - Fecha de aceptaci—n: 11 de junio 2022
The
exploratory research presented in this article investigated the perspectives=
on
the gender roles and stereotypes in the care of children and their sexual
education of a small group of educated parents, using a patriarchal model. T=
he
sample consisted of 30 parents of which 20 participated in in-depth intervie=
ws,
and 10 in two focus groups, 5 in each group. All 23 women and 7 men possesse=
d a
third-level degree, and some held a postgraduate diploma. It was found that
even educated parents reproduce patterns they learned within the traditional
family. A man decides and enjoys free and dominant sexuality, while a woman =
is
required to have a beautiful body and be a wife who submits sexually to her
husband. The study concludes that the caring role of women, the subalternity
and maternalism-marianism of female identity, and the care of the body and t=
he
norms of beauty are the female characteristics that still dominate social
thinking. However, due to the increasing participation of women in the labor
market, women are becoming gradually more autonomous.
Keywords: Parents, ge=
nder
role, gender stereotype, sexuality, children, adolescent.
RESUMEN
La
investigaci—n exploratoria presentada en este art’culo investig— las
perspectivas sobre los roles y estereotipos de gŽnero en el cuidado de los
ni–os y su educaci—n sexual de un peque–o grupo de padres educados, utilizan=
do el
modelo patriarcal. La muestra estuvo conformada por 30 padres de familia de =
los
cuales 20 participaron en entrevistas en profundidad, y 10 en dos grupos
focales, 5 en cada grupo. Las 23 mujeres y los 7 hombres pose’an un t’tulo d=
e
tercer nivel y algunos ten’an diplomas de posgrado. Se encontr— que incluso =
los
padres educados reproducen patrones que aprendieron dentro de la familia
tradicional. El hombre decide y disfruta de una sexualidad libre y dominante=
,
mientras que una mujer est‡ obligada a tener un cuerpo bello y ser una espos=
a
que se somete sexualmente a su marido. El estudio concluye que el rol cuidad=
or
de la mujer, la subalternidad y materialismo-marianismo de la identidad
femenina, el cuidado del cuerpo y las normas de belleza son las caracter’sti=
cas
femeninas que aœn dominan el pensamiento social. Sin embargo, debido a la
creciente participaci—n de la mujer en el mercado laboral, la mujer se est‡
volviendo cada vez m‡s aut—noma.
Pala=
bras
claves: Pa=
dres,
roles de gŽnero, estereotipos de gŽnero, sexualidad, ni–os, adolescentes.
1. &=
nbsp;
=
INTRODUCTION
Parents are helping their
children in most activities of their daily life, such as feeding, sleeping,
cleaning, homework, guidance in education, and health monitoring, among othe=
rs.
In Latin America, Ecuador, and in Cuenca in particular, the mother is the
parent that takes care of the children in around 90% of the households (ONU
Mujeres, 2020).
Gender identity represents the perception and expression of oneself a=
s a
male, female, or transgender (Simonelli et al., 2007). In several
cultures, two genders are considered, each corresponding to biological sex
(Endendijk et al., 2017; Nœ–ez et al., 2015) without accepting
the expressive diversity of gender that does not always correspond to the
biological sex. There is a broad agreement that gender is one of the key
aspects of sexuality (De Meyer et al., 2014). The WHO defines human
sexuality as "a central aspect of human being encompassing sex, gender
identity and role, sexual orientation, eroticism, pleasure, intimacy, and
reproductionÓ (Human Reproduction Program, 2017). Gender identity, sexuality=
,
and the relationship between gender and sexuality of children and adolescent=
s
are multifaceted processes influenced by biological, social, cultural,
interpersonal, and personal factors (Fausto-Sterling, 2019; Marcell et al=
.,
2017).
Through proximity, parents transmit to their children, from birth
through to adulthood, gender stereotypes, roles, and the development of thei=
r
sexuality (Halim et al., 2018; Halpern & Perry-Jenkins, 2016; Kle=
in et
al., 2018; Milanowicz & Bokus, 2013). In the patriarchal model,
stereotypes and gender roles frame men with virility and machismo, and women
with subalternity (social construction of power asymmetry: men dominate and
women submit), femininity (body care and beauty norms), motherhood (the
idealized mother-child relationship as well as the notion that mothers are
responsible for the fostering of child development), and marianism (growing =
up
as a virgin woman) (Ayala & Murga, 2016; Eskola Torres, 2017; Lopez-Zafr=
a
& Garcia-Retamero, 2012). Furthermore, food, physical activity, clothing=
,
behavior, expression of feelings, and relationships are all associated with =
gender.
In this context, it is assumed that men should be strong and protective; and
women should be beautiful, submissive, introverted, and virtuous (Endendijk =
et
al., 2017; Facio & Fries, 2005; Simonelli et al., 2007).
In sexuality, men are granted active, dominant, and free sexuality
(Allen & Smith, 2011). Women on the other hand are supposed to give a
passive, innocent, submissive, uneroticized sexuality, to be a virgin, to ha=
ve
sex only in marriage, to be a mother and to be self-sacrificing to satisfy m=
ale
sexual desires and requirements (Cunningham & Russell, 2004; Sandnabba <=
i>et
al., 2003). Because of this, adolescents that have premarital sex do it =
in
secret, as if they were committing a sin, they have sex without condoms or
contraceptives because the shame involved means they are too embarrassed to
purchase these items in pharmacies, causing early pregnancies and sexually
transmitted diseases. These result in anxiety, shame, and depression,
especially in women. The stereotypes and social roles of the patriarchal mod=
el
are detrimental, not only in the aforementioned effects on sexuality but als=
o
because they lead to a dichotomous way of thinking about many other issues.
When hierarchies are formed from these dichotomous categories, discriminatio=
n,
violence, exclusion, and violation of rights can occur (Endendijk et al.,
2017; Jamal et al., 2015; Khan & Hamid, 2020).
With the flourishing of feminist
movements seeking justice, equality and changes in the roles and stereotypes=
of
gender, health and education programs emerged that promote the rights of wom=
en
in all areas of life. Positive changes took undoubtedly place such as greate=
r
integration of women in all areas of the labor market and a gradual increase=
in
the number of women in leadership positions. However, contemporary feminist
theories raise concerns that women continue to do housework in addition to
their jobs in the labor market because the role of men at home remains
unchanged (Lopez-Zafra & Garcia-Retamero, 2012). Moreover, women's
empowerment is held back by religious groups promoting marianism and motherh=
ood
(Cornejo-Valle & Pichardo, 2017; Reyes Fonseca, 2021), consumerism
promoting the sale of beauty products and female eroticism (Coffey, 2020),
social networks and media reinforcing stereotypes and gender roles (Heathy,
2020; Grau & Zotos, 2016; Rosewarne, 2007), and in many countries exist =
the
lack of a political and social will to recognize and legalize women's rights
(Khan & Hamid, 2021). On top, in many countries, girls suffer more child
abuse than boys, from feticide to neglectful mistreatments, such as giving t=
hem
less food, denying them health care, depriving them of education, or handing
them a much greater share of the household chores (Singhi et al., 13)=
.
Gender and sexuality stereotypes and roles are also taught by parents within
the traditional family and are often reinforced in society and educational
institutions (Milanowicz & Bokus, 2013; Halim et al., 2018).
Several studies revealed that in
Latin America, and in Ecuador in particular, the stereotypes and roles of ca=
re,
reinforced by the Catholic religion, have been assigned to women within the
patriarchal framework of subalternity, marianism, and motherhood. Despite th=
e
activity of feminist movements, these stereotypes and roles of care have not
changed significantly (Boira et al., 2017; De Meyer et al., 20=
14;
Giordano et al., 2009; Goicolea et al., 2012). In Ecuador, six
out of ten women over 15 years of age experienced gender violence, of which
53.9% were psychological, 38.09% physical, 25.7% sexual, and 35.3% patrimoni=
al.
Of the women who suffered physical violence, 87.3% received it from their
partner (Instituto Nacional de Estad’sticas y Censos, 2012). The teenage
pregnancy percentage in Latin America is 15% of all pregnant women; in Ecuad=
or,
it is 16.8% (UNICEF, 2014; CARE et al., 2016). In Ecuador in 2020, 45=
%
of the victims of gender violence were adolescents between 15 and 17 years o=
ld
and the average number of femicides was 6 per month (Yung‡n Pinduisaca &
Cajas Luzuriaga, 2020).
Inspired by these findings, this research investigated gender roles,
stereotypes, and sexuality of children and adolescents under the
historical-cultural anthropological theoretical approach of care, identifyin=
g
whether highly educated Ecuadorian parents continue to reproduce patriarchal
care: gender roles, and stereotypes in the lifelong care of girls, boys and
adolescents; autonomy (capacity to choose and decide) (Pinquart, 2017);
subalternity, motherhood, body care and beauty standards; sexuality and
marianism; and positive changes (whether there had been positive changes for
the benefit of the rights of women and girls).
2. &=
nbsp;
=
METHODOLOGY
A qualitativ=
e
study with a phenomenological approach was conducted in the period May-July
2016 in the city of Cuenca, Ecuador. Cuenca is a city that has been
characterized by its fervent Catholic faith. Since the 20th century, there h=
ave
been movements organized under the umbrella of "Catholic Action".
These groups, under the slogan of "moral citizenship", aim to reco=
ver
areas of a traditional and conservative society that have been lost due to t=
he
social and political changes of modernity (Mart’nez Borrero, 2017).
Twenty in-de=
pth
face-to-face interviews and two focus groups were conducted in this research=
.
The sample was purposive, given the inclusion of parents of children and
adolescents of different ages. The interviews involved four parents of child=
ren
under 5 years, five children aged 6 to 10, and 11 adolescents between 11 and=
17
years. It was planned that there would be an equal number of mothers and
fathers. However, even though both men and women were invited, 15 women and =
5
men participated in the interviews. The interviews, based on a semi-structur=
ed
guide (Table 1), were conducted in the parents' homes. The data collected
through interviews reached data saturation.
Twelve parents were invited to each focus group, but only five attend=
ed
each group, and those who did not attend gave no reason for their absence. E=
ach
group was made up of four women and one man. The age of the participating
parents in the interviews and focus groups varied between 35 and 50 years. A=
ll
were professionals holding a university degree and some possessed a
postgraduate diploma. The focus groups were held in rooms of the Faculty of
Medical Sciences of the University of Cuenca. They were conducted with a
semi-structured question guide (Table 2).
Table 1. In-depth interview quest=
ions.
|
# |
Qu=
estion |
|
1 |
|
|
2 |
|
|
3 |
|
|
4 |
|
|
5 |
|
|
6 |
|
|
7 |
|
|
|
|
|
9 |
|
|
10 |
|
|
11 |
|
|
12 |
|
Table 2. Focus group questions.
|
# |
Qu=
estion |
|
1 |
|
|
2 |
|
|
3 |
|
|
4 |
|
|
5 |
|
|
6 |
|
|
7 |
|
|
8 |
|
Testing of the pilot guide was conducted through two interviews and o=
ne
focus group. After testing, some changes were introduced to the semi-structu=
red
guide, particularly with the use of verbal, non-verbal, and crutch technique=
s.
The wording of the questions was changed as some words were not well underst=
ood
by the interviewees. Changes were also made to make the interviewees more
comfortable expressing their views on the topics, such as having the
interviewers avoid expressing surprise, and maintaining neutral body languag=
e.
The research team consisted of professors from the University of Cuen=
ca
with experience in the education of girls, boys, and adolescents, and in gen=
der
research. The interviews lasted between 45 and 60 minutes, and 90 minutes fo=
r
each focus group. The interviews were conducted by two researchers who
participated in the pilot test. One asked the questions and the other observ=
ed,
and after the interviews and focus group discussions scripts were made of wh=
at
happened during each event. Thereafter, the parents were asked to read the
scripts and verify the correctness of what was written. All parents confirme=
d
the expressed and written information. This verification could not be done w=
ith
the focus group transcripts because we were unable to arrange a time when al=
l
group participants could reunite before the end of the data collection perio=
d.
3. &=
nbsp;
=
RESULTS =
ÒMany times, =
we have
discussed with my wife and spoken loudly to the children, one thing is what
they learn at school and another thing is what it should beÓ (man, 50 years
old). For most of the respondents, it was important that girls eat little a=
nd
engage in sensitive physical activity, that they express gentleness and beha=
ve
like princesses. In addition, girls are educated to take care of their sibli=
ngs
and, in the future, their families. Boys should eat sufficiently to be stron=
g
and to support the physical wear and tear of constant movement. =
ÒBut the fact=
that
the girl has a much more delicate activity is because she has been growing u=
p
under the model of a princess, dress, and delicacy..., on the other hand, bo=
ys
are stronger, more active, even ruder, they need to eat more, the sports the=
y
choose are aggressive or extremeÓ (woman, 45 years old). =
ÒA girl must
collaborate, while a man has to win, has to be ahead, but a woman has to alw=
ays
clean, and help with the houseworkÓ (woman, 35 years old). Boys should not play sport=
s
assigned to girls, such as ballet, because they would be rejected or
discriminated against. =
ÒI am honest =
with
you, if my son told me that he was going to practice ballet, it would beat m=
e
up ... but I would try to be okay with it ... I am sure that his classmates
would laugh at him or run away from himÓ (woman, 48 years old). <=
span
lang=3DEN-US style=3D'font-size:9.0pt;mso-ansi-language:EN-US'>Children are =
not
told about sexuality until they are teenagers. =
ÒWe have to b=
e
honest... the Cuencanos are curuchupas[1]=
... no, no ... we never talk to our children about sexuality ... even when t=
hey
start having a boyfriend or girlfriend ... we only warn them ... the daughte=
rs
less ... they talk to their mothers ... they must behave like womenÓ (man, 3=
8
years old). Autonomy Interviews reveal that gir=
ls
are not allowed to decide or choose because they are supposed to be submissi=
ve. =
ÒA woman must=
be
passive, quiet, and submissive, and only if she sets her mind to something c=
an
she do it ... because perhaps uh, that is our quieter nature of being more
patientÓ (woman, 35 years old). =
ÒBecause women are already formed si=
nce
they are children. A woman waits for a man to manage the sexual thing in the
marriageÓ (woman, 37 years old). Subalternity and motherhood Women are subjected to dom=
estic
tasks (children, cleaning, cooking), and excluded from public events
(political, community, social participation). A mother dominates the childre=
n
with the same pattern of subalternity, making the children reproduce learned
roles and stereotypes that extend even to the area of sexuality. =
ÒSpeaking of =
power,
a woman knows that the man is the one who takes the initiative, as a protect=
or
of the relationship, the one who guides ... because a man is the one who
organizes the economic part, he manages the economy better, since a woman is
much more devoted to food, spends more time with the children, and is much m=
ore
meticulous in her care of the homeÓ (woman, 38 years old). =
ÒThe role of =
women
is linked more at home, more to domestic tasks; obviously, there are
exceptional cases of women who have gone out despite their multiple activiti=
es
as mothersÓ (man, 37 years old). Women focus on morality and childcare at the cost of their own
sacrifice. A mother exercises household management skills and emotional
control. Being a mother is the main and inescapable destiny of a woman, arou=
nd
which life and time ought to be organized. =
ÒI give my li=
fe for
my children ... no matter what may happen to me or what I may sacrifice ... =
the
most important thing is that they are happyÓ (woman, 37 years old). =
ÒI think this=
has
been historical since our mothers and grandfathers; the best meat is for the
husband, the father, the children even if we don't eatÓ (woman, 38 years old=
). <=
span
lang=3DEN-US style=3D'font-size:9.0pt;mso-ansi-language:EN-US'> Body care and beauty standards A woman's body must be car=
ed
for so that she is beautiful and can attract the attention of a man who will
offer her marriage and provide her with a family. Later, the care of the bod=
y
is limited to the conception and raising of, children. =
ÒI don't know=
about
the girls, but maybe their mothers are already taking care of them because n=
ow
they have to take care of them so that they don't get fatÓ (woman, 38 years
old). The market and the media rehearse ideal models of unattainable and
changeable bodies, starting from a process of incorporating social pressures=
,
the normalization of beauty, sexuality, and youth, which result in the
objectification of the female body.<=
o:p> =
ÒWomen are al=
ways
looking for thinness, and there have even been cases of anorexia. The media
influence women to have a body of a certain size, a certain number of centim=
eters.
Women practically forget to eat wellÓ (man, 48 years old). <=
span
lang=3DEN-US style=3D'font-size:9.0pt;mso-ansi-language:EN-US'> Sexuality and marianism The
responses from the interviewees in this study indicate that parents prepare
adolescents for distinct roles in sexuality as men and women. Men are allowe=
d
great expression and enjoyment of their sexuality, free to begin sexual
activity when they wish, and are informed about contraceptive use to avoid
unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. There is social
pressure for adolescent males to become 'men' through sex at an early age. M=
en
are the conquerors; they can watch pornography and can have fun with women.
Only one father indicated that men should remain abstinent. =
ÒFor example,=
when
you hear friends say: "you are already 15, 18 years old, you have alrea=
dy
had your first sexual relationship, if not - you are not a man, - you are st=
ill
a child" ... that is why men are more linked to internet pornography ..=
.
there are some cases that induce them to have sex with prostitutesÓ (man, 45
years old). =
ÒThe first se=
xual
relation in the case of a man is rewarded É a woman is condemned because she=
is
going down a bad pathÓ (man, 38 years old). Women must fall in love and get married to have their first sexual
relationship. In sexual relationships, women are the ones who love the most =
and
are the most faithful and unconditional. When women are unmarried, they shou=
ld
not have sex because they must be virgins at marriage, let alone use
contraception. =
ÒMy mother ha=
s
always told us, advised us to be a one-man woman. We need to be virgins at
marriageÓ (woman, 38 years old). The reaction of parents to an unwanted pregnancy is different. When a
man gets a woman pregnant, parents think it is a mistake that leads to monet=
ary
responsibility. When the daughter gets pregnant, parents think it is tragic =
and
the pregnancy will radically change their daughter's life plan, turning her
into a woman sacrificed for the baby. In addition, a woman becomes socially
discredited. Some interviewees thought that when a woman becomes pregnant it=
is
because she provoked the man with inappropriate seductive attitudes. =
ÒIf my daught=
er gets
pregnant, she stays there, gets frustrated, ends her life ... but in men,
nothing happens, well he is a macho man, a man gives the money, and nothing
happens. Men go on with their studies; they go on with their livesÓ (man, 50
years old). =
ÒFrom my poin=
t of
view, women are more promiscuous than men, those who cause teenage pregnancy=
,
especially in recent times. Women take the initiative and are always seducin=
g a
man ... with the clothes, with some movementÓ (man, 45 years old). Few parents talk about sexuality with their children, especially with
their daughters. Most of them are afraid, so teenagers seek information outs=
ide
the house. =
ÒIt would be =
good if
parents were the first sources of information because that would be correct
information. There are parents who do it and do it very well and there are a=
lso
parents who avoid it and send third parties to inform the childrenÓ (woman, =
35
years old). =
ÒThere are pa=
rents
who are shocked when their daughter asks them about sex. The parents think t=
hat
the daughter has already started or wants to have a sex lifeÓ (woman, 48 yea=
rs
old). Parents mentioned that in the current era, the onset of sexual relati=
ons
and drug use among adolescents is starting early. Parents said that women ha=
ve
lost the value of abstinence, self-care, fidelity and that these are the
reasons why they get pregnant and have abortions. Parents said that women ha=
ve
"prostituted the word freedom" even though they are taught sex
education in schools and that parents educate them with values. Parents felt
that women who are libertines are those who do not have a father or are not
well cared for by their mother. Finally, the parents admitted that to date, =
the
culture of Cuenca is still macho. =
ÒThe term
"freedom for women" has been prostituted, I believe in gender
equality but nowadays girls have no respect for anything, they have no value=
s,
they change partners, they have relationships with their best friend, with
someone else's boyfriend, they say harsh words, they drink liquor just like =
men
É then promiscuity is the order of the dayÓ (woman, 39 years old). =
ÒI've often s=
een in
public schools that girls who start a sex life early are because they don't
have a father and because the mother has a boyfriend, so the daughter learns=
Ó
(male, 36 years old). Parents believe that sexuality should be developed within marriage an=
d
that the free union is not a socially accepted marital status. Women are
exclusively responsible for maintaining the institutionalization of marriage=
. ÒEhhh, I teach my children=
that
... yes, marriage is an institution that God created and that we must contin=
ue
to maintain it. I personally teach my children that free union is not goodÓ
(woman, 43 years old). Changing gender roles and
stereotypes Two women and one man out =
of
the thirty participants report that gender stereotypes and roles are changin=
g
due to women's involvement in the workplace, better education, economic
independence, and participation in the political sphere and in jobs led by
women. Parents admit that some girls are physically as active as men, eat
equally or more, and participate in sports that a few years ago were assigne=
d
only to men. It is expressed that women are sometimes more autonomous than m=
en
and that they make better decisions because they think calmly. ÒWomen have spent many yea=
rs
relegated by the male sex, and this time they are occupying a leadership
position in administrative or executive positions. Women are much more
competitive, they try to maintain their independence ... while still being g=
ood
mothers and good wivesÓ (man, 48 years old). ÒWe see different types of
girls; some are very active who go out to play football with menÓ (woman, 42
years old). Some girls take the initiative in falling in love; they are not
inhibited. Girls consider that getting married and starting a family is not =
the
only way of self-fulfillment even when they became pregnant. =
ÒWe see at sc=
hool
parties where the girls take the initiative and ask the boys to dance. The b=
oys
are still playing with robots, football, while the girls are flirting with
them, they dare to invite them, to call themÓ (man, 38 years old). ÒThere are women who, despite becoming pregnant, no longer want to ge=
t
married because they want to continue studying and be someone in lifeÓ (woma=
n,
36 years old). 4.&nb=
sp;
=
DISCUSSION The thirty parents interviewed in this research,
twenty-three women and seven men, all with a university degree and some with=
a
postgraduate diploma, expressed that they acquire from their families the
gender roles and stereotypes they assign to their children. Women are educat=
ed
not to be autonomous because their roles should be submissive and to care fo=
r
others. Men are taught to be strong, to be protective, and make decisions. T=
he
interviews reflect that a woman must be beautiful and virtuous to win a man =
who
will provide her with a family. Women must be pure, marry to be mothers, and
sacrifice for the sake of the family. Men can express enjoyment and freedom =
in
their sexuality while women are boxed into the pattern of abstinence and sex=
ual
submission in order not to be branded as a "bad women". Some
interviewed women indicated that they would not like their sons to take on
female roles because they are afraid of them being laughed at. Some fathers
expressed that the new sexual roles women are taking on lead to premature
pregnancies and immoral lives. A minority of participants hold new concepts
that break with the conventional gender roles and stereotypes for women. Equivalent results are found in studies around the globe, such as wit=
h
Israeli children (Goldner & Levi, 2014), Australian adolescents (Ferrar =
et
al., 2012), and children, and adolescents in the Philippines (Nœ–ez e=
t
al., 2015), which indicate that the way children and adolescents eat, do
physical activity, perceive body beauty, relate to their partners, and exerc=
ise
sexuality is developed according to gender stereotypes of masculinity and
femininity. In Latin America, a study of women in Honduras reports that moth=
ers
educate their daughters to marry and have children and those parents follow =
the
patriarchal-subaltern model and restrict women's autonomy in sexuality
(Giordano et al., 2009). The findings of this research are also consistent with that of other
Ecuadorian research on gender roles and sexuality. These studies indicate th=
at
adolescent girls are controlled by their parents to obey them, not to go out=
at
night, not drink alcohol and not be ÒeasyÓ with men. Women who do not fulfil=
l
this role are called a slut. In educational institutions, adolescent girls a=
re
ridiculed for early pregnancies, for being single mothers. The use of
contraceptives by women is not socially approved because it might promote
casual sex. In the family, adolescent girls who have sex are often victims o=
f
violence. Women mention that when they were in love, sex happened without
thinking, spontaneously, and without the use of contraceptives because they
could have Òruined the momentÓ (De Meyer et al., 2014; Boira et al=
.,
2017; Blum et al., 2019). These factors influence the high prevalence=
of
adolescent pregnancy (Goicolea et al., 2010; De Meyer et al.,
2017). In Ecuador, most pregnant adolescent women are abandoned by their
partners and are forced to face motherhood alone (Goicolea et al.,
2010). Goicolea's Ecuadorian study found four types of stereotypes and roles
about girls' sexuality. The first sex is not for fun, a moralistic thought t=
hat
assumes that women should be abstinent and that it is, therefore, wrong to u=
se
contraceptives (health professionals, including gynecologists, shared this
view). A second group, "gender sexuality and parenthood", repeats
parenting roles handed down by parents. The third, "professionalizing a=
dolescent
pregnancy", approaches the prevention of pregnancy from a biological
approach rather than from a broader psychosocial prevention perspective.
Finally, the "idealization of the traditional family", is that the
best way to protect adolescents from sex is by teaching traditional family
values (Goicolea et al., 2010). The study conducted by Boira (2017) with Ecuadorian university studen=
ts
of medicine and psychology indicated that the gender roles and stereotypes
caused hostile sexism (antipathetic attitude towards women because they are =
in
an inferior position to men) and benevolent (overprotective) sexism generati=
ng
psychological and physical violence against the partner (Boira et al.=
,
2017). This is a worrying situation because they are the future professional=
s
in areas that will provide care in cases of violence. The results o=
f this
research adhere to the gender roles and stereotypes within the patriarchal
model, which includes the themes of subaltern care, motherhood, marianism, b=
ody
care, and beauty norms. The beliefs and behaviors of CuencaÕs society did no=
t
change despite the active participation of feminist groups, the new Ecuadori=
an
law on gender equality, and the enactment of sexual and reproductive rights
(V‡sconez Rodriguez, 2016). This persistence of traditional gender roles and
stereotypes may be due to the following causes: a) the overvaluation of the
Christian principles of the Ecuadorian Cuencano family centered on religion
(Mart’nez Borrero, 2017; Goicolea et al., 2010); b) the resurgence in
Ecuador, and Latin America of extremely conservative movements such as the
so-called "con mis hijos no te metas" (Òdon't mess with my childre=
nÓ)
(Meneses, 2019) that condemn gender diversity and sexual orientation; groups
that find support for this condemnation in the news media and government
authorities (De Franco, 2020; Berni, 2018; Diario El Comercio, 2017); and c)
advertising that stereotypical images of beauty, directing the population to
seek perfect bodies, causing those who do not meet these criteria to be disc=
riminated
(Bueno, 2017; Mu–oz Morillo, 2015). A qualitative study that analyzed
advertising spots on Ecuadorian television revealed that women are presented=
as
the expert protagonist of household chores, as invisible in the public spher=
e,
as aesthetic and/or sexual symbols; and that these messages reach children a=
nd
adolescents (Elizundia & Yaulema, 2021). The persistence of these roles and stereotypes mark the subalternity =
not
only of the relationships between men and women in the family, at school and
amongst close circles of friends, but also mark the subalternity in society =
of
categories of domination and submission such as: heterosexuality and
homosexuality, beauty and ugliness, gender that corresponds to biological se=
x
and gender diversity; for this reason, there has been a continuation of
femicides in Ecuador. The Ecumenical Human Rights Commission (CEDH) register=
ed
80 cases of femicide from the 1st of January to the 22nd
of June 2017 (Berni, 2018). The expressions of the interviewees about the change of stereotypes a=
nd
gender roles towards diversity and gender equality are in line with the resu=
lts
of similar research conducted in Latin America and Spain, which indicate tha=
t
roles are changing; there are more women in the public workspace and there a=
re more
men taking on housework (del R’o-Lozano et al., 2013; Torres et al=
.,
2002). A limitation of the study was the low participation of men in the
interviews and focus groups. Similarly, the research 5.&nb=
sp;
=
CONCLUSIONS Parents reproduce the stereotypes and gender roles of the
patriarchal model. However, gender stereotypes and roles are changing due to
the education of women and the incorporation of women into the labor market,
making them more autonomous in the selection of life projects and in their
sexuality. Programs for parents on autonomy in gender identity and sexuality
are needed to change stereotypes and roles that impede the optimal developme=
nt
of children and adolescents' sexuality. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to =
thank
the parents of the children for their enthusiastic assistance. We also thank
Jan Feyen, Stuart Blume and Glen Newell, who provided thoughtful feedback
developing this article. REFERENCES Allen, J., & Smith, J. L.
(2011). The influence of
sexuality stereotypes on menÕs experience of gender-role incongruence. Ps=
ychology
of Men & Masculinity, 12(1), 77-96. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0=
019678 Ayala, M. I., & Murga,=
A.
L. (2016). Patriarchy and womenÕs multidimensional agency: A case study of a
Mexican sending village. WomenÕs Studies International Forum, 59, 1-8=
.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2016.08.002 Berni, M. P. (2018). Estrativismo social machis=
ta en
ecuador violencia de gŽnero, femicidio. Conrado, 14(=
61),
111-115. Blum, R. W., Sheehy, G., L=
i,
M., Basu, S., El Gibaly, O., Kayembe, P., Zuo, X., Ortiz, J., Chan, K. S.,
& Moreau, C. (2019). Measuring
young adolescent perceptions of relationships: A vignette-based approach to
exploring gender equality. PLOS ONE, 14(6), e0218863.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0218863 Boira, S., Chilet-Rosell, =
E.,
Jaramillo-Quiroz, S., & Reinoso, J. (2017). Sexismo, pensamientos
distorsionados y violencia en las relaciones de pareja en estudiantes
universitarios de Ecuador de ‡reas relacionadas con el bienestar y la salud.=
Universitas Psychol=
ogica, 16(4), 1.
https://doi.org/10.11144/Javeriana.upsy16-4.spdv Bueno, A. (2017). CARE, CNII, & Observat=
orio
Social del Ecuador. (2016). Ni–ez y adolescencia desde la
intergeneracionalidad- Ecuador 2016 (p. 252). CARE, CNII, Observatorio
Social del Ecuador. Available at https://www.unicef.org/ecuador/informes/ni%=
C3%B1ez-y-adolescencia-desde-la-intergeneracionalidad Co=
ffey,
J. (2020). Ugly feelings: gender, neoliberalism and the affective relations =
of body concerns, Journal
of Gender Studies, 29(6), 636-650. https://doi.org/10.1080/095892=
36.2019.1658573 Cornejo-Valle, M., &
Pichardo, J. I. (2017). La Òideolog’a de gŽneroÓ frente a los derechos sexua=
les
y reproductivos. El escenario espa–ol. Cadernos Pagu, 50, Cunningham, S. J., &
Russell, P. A. (2004). T=
he
influence of gender roles on evolved partner preferences. Sexualities,
Evolution & Gender, 6(2-3), 131-150.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14616660412331332909 De Franco, C. (2020). =
GŽnero
y religi—n en disputa en la educaci—n: An‡lisis psicosocial de narrativas so=
bre
gŽnero en los movimientos ÒEscuela Sin PartidoÓ y ÒCon Mis Hijos no Te Metas=
Ó
[GŽnero]. Buenos Aires, Argentina: XVI Jornadas Internacionales de
Investigaci—n en Psicolog’a UCES 2020. Retrieved: http://dspace.uces.edu.ar:8180/xmlui/handle/1=
23456789/5213 De Meyer, S., Jaruseviciene, =
L.,
Zaborskis, A., Decat, P., Vega, B., Cordova, K., Temmerman, M., Degomme, O.,
& Michielsen, K. (2014). A
cross-sectional study on attitudes toward gender equality, sexual De Meyer, S., KŒgesten, A., Mmari, K., McEachran, =
J.,
Chilet-Rosell, E., Kabiru, C. W., Maina, B., Jerves, E. M., Currie, C., &=
;
Michielsen, K. (2017). ÒBoys should have the courage to ask a girl outÓ: Gen=
der
norms in early adolescent romantic relationships. Journal of Adolescent
Health, 61(4), S42-S47. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2017=
.03.007 del R’o-Lozano, M.,
Garc’a-Calvente, M. del M., Marcos-Marcos, J., Entrena-Dur‡n, F., &
Maroto-Navarro, G. (2013). Gender
identity in informal care: Impact on health in spanish caregivers. Diario El Comercio. (2017)=
.
Fact checking a las declaraciones de ÔCon mis hijos no te metasÕ, en Ecuador=
. Retrieved: https://www.elcomercio.com=
/tendencias/factchecking-marcha-genero-conmishijosnotemetas-ecuador.html Elizundia, A. M., &
Yaulema, M. A. (2021). Publicidad y construcci—n de un imaginario social:
Representaci—n del gŽnero femenino en televisi—n ecuatoriana. Endendijk, J. J., Groeneveld,=
M.
G., van der Pol, L. D., van Berkel, S. R., Hallers-Haalboom, E. T.,
Bakermans-Kranenburg, M. J., & Mesman, J. (2017). Gender differences in child aggression: Relations =
with
gender-differentiated parenting and parentsÕ gender-role stereotypes. Child Develop=
ment, 88(1=
),
299-316. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12589 Eskola Torres, G. (2017). =
Autorrepresentaciones
y dialŽctica del poder en la pr‡ctica del cuidado: Voces de mujeres.
Cuenca, Ecuador: Universidad de Cuenca. ISBN: 978-9978-14-365-0, 388 p. Facio, A., & Fries, L.
(2005). Feminismo, gŽnero y patriarcado. Revista sobre Ense–anza del Dere=
cho
de Buenos Aires, 3(6), 259-294. Fausto-Sterling, A. (2019). Gender/sex, sexual
orientation, and identity are in the body: How did they get there? The
Journal of Sex Research, 56(4-5), 529-555.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2019.1581883 Ferrar, K. E., Olds, T. S., & Walters, J. L.
(2012). All the stereotypes confirmed: Differences in how Australian boys an=
d
girls use their time. Health Education & Behavior, 39(5),
589-595. https://doi.org/10.1177/1090198111423942 Giordano, F. G., Thumme, B., & Panting Sierra,=
G.
(2009). The hopes and dreams of Honduran women regarding their daughtersÕ
sexuality. Qualitative Health Research, 19(7), 996-1009.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1049732309336947 Goicolea, I., Torres, M. S., Edin, K., & …hman=
, A.
(2012). When sex is hardly about mutual pleasure: Dominant and resistant
discourses on sexuality and its consequences for young peopleÕs sexual healt=
h. International
Journal of Sexual Health, 24(4), 303-317.
https://doi.org/10.1080/19317611.2012.715121 Goicolea, I., Wulff, M., Sebastian, M. S., & …=
hman,
A. (2010). Adolescent pregnancies and girlsÕ sexual and reproductive rights =
in
the amazon basin of Ecuador: An analysis of providersÕ and policy makersÕ
discourses. BMC International Health and Human Rights, 10(1), =
12.
https://doi.org/10.1186/1472-698X-10-12 Goldner, L., & Levi, M. (2014). ChildrenÕs fam=
ily
drawings, body perceptions, and eating attitudes: The moderating role of
gender. The Arts in Psychotherapy, 41(1), 79-88. https://doi.o=
rg/10.1016/j.aip.2013.11.004 Grau, S. L., & Zotos, =
Y. C.
(2016). Gender stereotypes in advertising: A review of current research. =
International
Journal of Advertising, 35(5), 761-770.
https://doi.org/10.1080/02650487.2016.1203556 Halim, M. L. D., Walsh, A. S., Tamis-LeMonda, C. S=
.,
Zosuls, K. M., & Ruble, D. N. (2018). The Roles of Self-Socialization an=
d
Parent Socialization in ToddlersÕ Gender-Typed Appearance. Archives of
Sexual Behavior, 47(8), 2277-2285.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-018-1263-y Halpern, H. P., & Perry-Jenkins, M. (2016).
ParentsÕ gender ideology and gendered behavior as predictors of childrenÕs
gender-role attitudes: A longitudinal exploration. Sex Roles, 74(11),
527-542. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-015-0539-0 Heathy, B. H. (2020). Gender stereotypes in
advertising: A critical discourse analysis. Language in India, 20<=
/i>(1),
45-55. Human Reproduction Programme, WHO. (2017). Sexu=
al
health and its linkages to reproductive health: An operational approach
(pp. 1-12). Available at https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/25=
8738/9789241512886-eng.pdf?sequence=3D1 Instituto Nacional de
Estad’sticas y Censos. (2012). Encuesta nacional de relaciones familiares=
y
violencia de gŽnero contra las mujeres. Quito, Ecuador: Instituto Nacion=
al
de Estad’stica y Censos (INEC), Secretar’a Nacional de Planificaci—n y
Desarrollo (SENPLADES). Available at https://anda.inec.gob.ec/anda/index.ph=
p/
catalog/94/related_materials Jamal, F., Bonell, C., Wooder, K., & Blake, S.
(2015). LetÕs talk about sex: Gender norms and sexual health in English
schools. Sexual Health, 12(1), 1. https://doi.org/10.1071/SH15=
010 Khan, T. A., & Hamid, W. (2020). Lived experie=
nces
of divorced women in Kashmir: A phenomenological study. Journal of Gender
Studies, 30(4), 1-16. https://doi.org/10.1080/09589236.2020.18262=
95 Klein, V., Becker, I., & _tulhofer, A. (2018).
Parenting, communication about sexuality, and the development of adolescent =
womenÕs
sexual agency: A longitudinal assessment. Journal of Youth and Adolescenc=
e,
47(7), 1486-1498. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-018-0873-y Lopez-Zafra, E., & Garcia-Retamero, R. (2012).=
Do
gender stereotypes change? The dynamic of gender stereotypes in Spain. Jo=
urnal
of Gender Studies, 21(2), 169-183. https://doi.org/10.1080/095892=
36.2012.661580 Marcell, A. V., Burstein, G. R., & Committee o=
n
Adolescence (2017). Sexual and reproductive health care services in the pediatric setting=
. Pediatrics, 140(=
5),
e20172858. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2017-2858 Mart’nez Borrero, J. (2017=
). La
acci—n cat—lica en Cuenca. De las asociaciones obreras a la Òciudadan’a mora=
lÓ
en el primer tercio del siglo XX. Procesos. Revista ecuatoriana de histor=
ia,
46, 67-90. https://doi.org/10.29078/rp.v0i46.649 Meneses, D. (2019). Con mi=
s
hijos no te metas: Un estudio de discurso y poder en un grupo de Facebook
peruano opuesto a la Çideolog’a de gŽneroÈ. Anthropologica, 37(42), 129-154.
https://doi.org/10.18800/anthropologica.201901.006 Milanowicz, A., & Bokus, B. (2013). Gender and
moral judgments: The role of who is speaking to whom. Journal of Gender
Studies, 22(4), 423-443.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09589236.2012.719314 Mu–oz Morillo, C. (2015). Estereotipos de belleza
femenina en publicidad y afectaci—n en j—venes del Ecuador Aplicaci—n de la =
Ley
Org‡nica de Comunicaci—n en el ‡mbito publicitario. Tesis de pregrado. Universidad San Francisco de Quito. http://re=
positorio.usfq.edu.ec/handle/23000/4189 Nœ–ez, A., Robertson-James, C., Reels, S., Jeter, =
J.,
Rivera, H., Yusuf, Z., & Liu. (2015). Exploring the role of gender norms=
in
nutrition and sexual health promotion in a piloted school-based intervention=
:
The Philadelphia UjimaTM experience. Evaluation and Program
Planning, 51, 70-77. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evalprogplan.2014.=
12.010 ONU MUJERES (2020). Cuidados en A=
mŽrica
Latina y el Caribe en tiempos de COVID-19: Hacia sistemas integrales para
fortalecer la respuesta y la recuperaci—n. Available at
https://lac.unwomen.org/es/ digiteca/publicaciones/2020/08/cuidados-en-ameri=
ca-latina-y-el-caribe-en-tiempos-de-covid-19#view
Pinquart, M. (2017). Associations of parenting
dimensions and styles with externalizing problems of children and adolescent=
s:
An updated meta-analysis. Developmental Psychology, 53(5), 873=
-932.
=
https://doi.org/10.1037/dev0000295 Reyes Fonseca, J. O. (2021=
). Vida cristian=
a y
experiencia mariana: Algunos desaf’os desde la Christus vivit. Rosewarne, L. (2007). Pin-ups in public space: Sex=
ist
outdoor advertising as sexual harassment. WomenÕs Studies International
Forum, 30(4), 313-325. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2007.05.003=
Sandnabba, N. K., Santtila, P., WannŠs, M., &
Krook, K. (2003). Age and gender specific sexual behaviors in children. Child Abuse & Neglect, 27(6), 579-605. https://doi.org/10.1016/S=
0145-2134(03)00102-9 Simonelli, C., Rossi, R., Tripodi, M. F., De Stasi=
o,
S., & Petruccelli, I. (2007). Gender identity and preadolescence: A pilo=
t
study. Sexologies, 16(1), 22-28. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sex=
ol.2006.07.007 Si=
nghi,
P., Saini, A. G., & Malhi, P. (2013). Child maltreatment in India. Pa=
ediatrics
and International Child Health, 33(4), 292-300. https://doi.org/1=
0.1179/2046905513Y.0000000099 Torres, J. B., Solberg, V. S. H., & Carlstrom,=
A.
H. (2002). The myth of sameness among Latino men and their machismo. =
American Jour=
nal of
Orthopsychiatry, 72(2), 163-181. https://doi.org/10.1037/0002-9432.72.2.163 UNICEF. (2014). Vivenci=
as y relatos
sobre el embarazo en adolescentes. Una aproximaci—n a los factores culturale=
s,
sociales y emocionales a partir de un estudio en seis pa’ses de la regi—n
(p. 85).
=
Available at https://w=
ww.unicef.org/ecuador/media/2481/file/Vivencias%20y%20relatos%20sobre%20el%2=
0embarazo%20en%20adolescentes.pdf V‡sconez Rodr’guez, A. (20=
16). Mujeres
ecuatorianas dos dŽcadas de cambios 1995-2015 (resumen ejecutivo). ONU Mujeres,
Ecuador. Available at https://ecuador.unwomen.org/es/digiteca/publicaciones/=
2016/09/mujeres-ecuatorianas-resumen-ejecutivo Yung‡n Pinduisaca, P., &am=
p;
Cajas Luzuriaga, K. (2020). An‡lisis de la violencia de gŽnero
(Direcci—n de Estad’sticas y Sistemas de Informaci—n, Fiscal’a General de
Estado) [Sistema de Actuaciones Fiscales]. Departamento de Econom’a
Cuantitativa Facultad de Ciencias Escuela PolitŽcnica Nacional. Available at <=
o:p>
=
[1] A word used by the people of Cuenca =
for a
person who flaunts his religiosity and has, at the same time, a dubious priv=
ate
life.
|
MASKANA, Vol. 13, No. 1, 21-=
29,
2022 https://publicaciones.ucuenc=
a.edu.ec/ojs/index.php/maskana/article/view/4177 doi: 10.1853=
7/mskn.13.01.03 © Author(s) 2022. CC Attribution 4.0 License. |
|
L.
Huiracocha-Tutiven et al.: Perspectives of educated parents on the
gender roles and stereotypes