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Research paper / Art’culo cient’fico=

 

An = exploratory investigation of the perspectives of educated parents on the gender roles and stereotypes in child and adolescent sexualit= y

 

Una investigaci—n exploratoria de las perspectiva= s de padres educados sobre los roles y estereotipos de gŽnero en la sexualidad= de ni–os y adolescentes

 

= Lourdes Huiracocha-Tutiven , Adri= ana Orellana-Paucar , Victoria Abril-Ulloa , Miri= an Huiracocha-Tutiven , Mar’= a-Isabel Clavijo <= /span>

Faculty of Medical Sciences, Universidad d= e Cuenca, Cuenca 010150, Ecuador

Autores de correspondencia: lourdes.huiracocha@ucuenca.edu.ec

Fecha de recepci—n: 22 de abril 2022 - Fecha de aceptaci—n: 11 de junio 2022<= /o:p>

 

 

The exploratory research presented in this article investigated the perspectives= on the gender roles and stereotypes in the care of children and their sexual education of a small group of educated parents, using a patriarchal model. T= he sample consisted of 30 parents of which 20 participated in in-depth intervie= ws, and 10 in two focus groups, 5 in each group. All 23 women and 7 men possesse= d a third-level degree, and some held a postgraduate diploma. It was found that even educated parents reproduce patterns they learned within the traditional family. A man decides and enjoys free and dominant sexuality, while a woman = is required to have a beautiful body and be a wife who submits sexually to her husband. The study concludes that the caring role of women, the subalternity and maternalism-marianism of female identity, and the care of the body and t= he norms of beauty are the female characteristics that still dominate social thinking. However, due to the increasing participation of women in the labor market, women are becoming gradually more autonomous.

Keywords: Parents, ge= nder role, gender stereotype, sexuality, children, adolescent.<= /p>

 

 

RESUMEN

La investigaci—n exploratoria presentada en este art’culo investig— las perspectivas sobre los roles y estereotipos de gŽnero en el cuidado de los ni–os y su educaci—n sexual de un peque–o grupo de padres educados, utilizan= do el modelo patriarcal. La muestra estuvo conformada por 30 padres de familia de = los cuales 20 participaron en entrevistas en profundidad, y 10 en dos grupos focales, 5 en cada grupo. Las 23 mujeres y los 7 hombres pose’an un t’tulo d= e tercer nivel y algunos ten’an diplomas de posgrado. Se encontr— que incluso = los padres educados reproducen patrones que aprendieron dentro de la familia tradicional. El hombre decide y disfruta de una sexualidad libre y dominante= , mientras que una mujer est‡ obligada a tener un cuerpo bello y ser una espos= a que se somete sexualmente a su marido. El estudio concluye que el rol cuidad= or de la mujer, la subalternidad y materialismo-marianismo de la identidad femenina, el cuidado del cuerpo y las normas de belleza son las caracter’sti= cas femeninas que aœn dominan el pensamiento social. Sin embargo, debido a la creciente participaci—n de la mujer en el mercado laboral, la mujer se est‡ volviendo cada vez m‡s aut—noma.

Pala= bras claves: Pa= dres, roles de gŽnero, estereotipos de gŽnero, sexualidad, ni–os, adolescentes.

 

 


1.      &= nbsp;    = INTRODUCTION

 

Parents are helping their children in most activities of their daily life, such as feeding, sleeping, cleaning, homework, guidance in education, and health monitoring, among othe= rs. In Latin America, Ecuador, and in Cuenca in particular, the mother is the parent that takes care of the children in around 90% of the households (ONU Mujeres, 2020).<= /span>

Gender identity represents the perception and expression of oneself a= s a male, female, or transgender (Simonelli et al., 2007). In several cultures, two genders are considered, each corresponding to biological sex (Endendijk et al., 2017; Nœ–ez et al., 2015) without accepting the expressive diversity of gender that does not always correspond to the biological sex. There is a broad agreement that gender is one of the key aspects of sexuality (De Meyer et al., 2014). The WHO defines human sexuality as "a central aspect of human being encompassing sex, gender identity and role, sexual orientation, eroticism, pleasure, intimacy, and reproductionÓ (Human Reproduction Program, 2017). Gender identity, sexuality= , and the relationship between gender and sexuality of children and adolescent= s are multifaceted processes influenced by biological, social, cultural, interpersonal, and personal factors (Fausto-Sterling, 2019; Marcell et al= ., 2017).

Through proximity, parents transmit to their children, from birth through to adulthood, gender stereotypes, roles, and the development of thei= r sexuality (Halim et al., 2018; Halpern & Perry-Jenkins, 2016; Kle= in et al., 2018; Milanowicz & Bokus, 2013). In the patriarchal model, stereotypes and gender roles frame men with virility and machismo, and women with subalternity (social construction of power asymmetry: men dominate and women submit), femininity (body care and beauty norms), motherhood (the idealized mother-child relationship as well as the notion that mothers are responsible for the fostering of child development), and marianism (growing = up as a virgin woman) (Ayala & Murga, 2016; Eskola Torres, 2017; Lopez-Zafr= a & Garcia-Retamero, 2012). Furthermore, food, physical activity, clothing= , behavior, expression of feelings, and relationships are all associated with = gender. In this context, it is assumed that men should be strong and protective; and women should be beautiful, submissive, introverted, and virtuous (Endendijk = et al., 2017; Facio & Fries, 2005; Simonelli et al., 2007).=

In sexuality, men are granted active, dominant, and free sexuality (Allen & Smith, 2011). Women on the other hand are supposed to give a passive, innocent, submissive, uneroticized sexuality, to be a virgin, to ha= ve sex only in marriage, to be a mother and to be self-sacrificing to satisfy m= ale sexual desires and requirements (Cunningham & Russell, 2004; Sandnabba <= i>et al., 2003). Because of this, adolescents that have premarital sex do it = in secret, as if they were committing a sin, they have sex without condoms or contraceptives because the shame involved means they are too embarrassed to purchase these items in pharmacies, causing early pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. These result in anxiety, shame, and depression, especially in women. The stereotypes and social roles of the patriarchal mod= el are detrimental, not only in the aforementioned effects on sexuality but als= o because they lead to a dichotomous way of thinking about many other issues. When hierarchies are formed from these dichotomous categories, discriminatio= n, violence, exclusion, and violation of rights can occur (Endendijk et al., 2017; Jamal et al., 2015; Khan & Hamid, 2020).<= /p>

With the flourishing of feminist movements seeking justice, equality and changes in the roles and stereotypes= of gender, health and education programs emerged that promote the rights of wom= en in all areas of life. Positive changes took undoubtedly place such as greate= r integration of women in all areas of the labor market and a gradual increase= in the number of women in leadership positions. However, contemporary feminist theories raise concerns that women continue to do housework in addition to their jobs in the labor market because the role of men at home remains unchanged (Lopez-Zafra & Garcia-Retamero, 2012). Moreover, women's empowerment is held back by religious groups promoting marianism and motherh= ood (Cornejo-Valle & Pichardo, 2017; Reyes Fonseca, 2021), consumerism promoting the sale of beauty products and female eroticism (Coffey, 2020), social networks and media reinforcing stereotypes and gender roles (Heathy, 2020; Grau & Zotos, 2016; Rosewarne, 2007), and in many countries exist = the lack of a political and social will to recognize and legalize women's rights (Khan & Hamid, 2021). On top, in many countries, girls suffer more child abuse than boys, from feticide to neglectful mistreatments, such as giving t= hem less food, denying them health care, depriving them of education, or handing them a much greater share of the household chores (Singhi et al., 13)= . Gender and sexuality stereotypes and roles are also taught by parents within the traditional family and are often reinforced in society and educational institutions (Milanowicz & Bokus, 2013; Halim et al., 2018).

Several studies revealed that in Latin America, and in Ecuador in particular, the stereotypes and roles of ca= re, reinforced by the Catholic religion, have been assigned to women within the patriarchal framework of subalternity, marianism, and motherhood. Despite th= e activity of feminist movements, these stereotypes and roles of care have not changed significantly (Boira et al., 2017; De Meyer et al., 20= 14; Giordano et al., 2009; Goicolea et al., 2012). In Ecuador, six out of ten women over 15 years of age experienced gender violence, of which 53.9% were psychological, 38.09% physical, 25.7% sexual, and 35.3% patrimoni= al. Of the women who suffered physical violence, 87.3% received it from their partner (Instituto Nacional de Estad’sticas y Censos, 2012). The teenage pregnancy percentage in Latin America is 15% of all pregnant women; in Ecuad= or, it is 16.8% (UNICEF, 2014; CARE et al., 2016). In Ecuador in 2020, 45= % of the victims of gender violence were adolescents between 15 and 17 years o= ld and the average number of femicides was 6 per month (Yung‡n Pinduisaca & Cajas Luzuriaga, 2020).

Inspired by these findings, this research investigated gender roles, stereotypes, and sexuality of children and adolescents under the historical-cultural anthropological theoretical approach of care, identifyin= g whether highly educated Ecuadorian parents continue to reproduce patriarchal care: gender roles, and stereotypes in the lifelong care of girls, boys and adolescents; autonomy (capacity to choose and decide) (Pinquart, 2017); subalternity, motherhood, body care and beauty standards; sexuality and marianism; and positive changes (whether there had been positive changes for the benefit of the rights of women and girls).

 

 

2.      &= nbsp;    = METHODOLOGY

 <= /o:p>

A qualitativ= e study with a phenomenological approach was conducted in the period May-July 2016 in the city of Cuenca, Ecuador. Cuenca is a city that has been characterized by its fervent Catholic faith. Since the 20th century, there h= ave been movements organized under the umbrella of "Catholic Action". These groups, under the slogan of "moral citizenship", aim to reco= ver areas of a traditional and conservative society that have been lost due to t= he social and political changes of modernity (Mart’nez Borrero, 2017).

Twenty in-de= pth face-to-face interviews and two focus groups were conducted in this research= . The sample was purposive, given the inclusion of parents of children and adolescents of different ages. The interviews involved four parents of child= ren under 5 years, five children aged 6 to 10, and 11 adolescents between 11 and= 17 years. It was planned that there would be an equal number of mothers and fathers. However, even though both men and women were invited, 15 women and = 5 men participated in the interviews. The interviews, based on a semi-structur= ed guide (Table 1), were conducted in the parents' homes. The data collected through interviews reached data saturation.

Twelve parents were invited to each focus group, but only five attend= ed each group, and those who did not attend gave no reason for their absence. E= ach group was made up of four women and one man. The age of the participating parents in the interviews and focus groups varied between 35 and 50 years. A= ll were professionals holding a university degree and some possessed a postgraduate diploma. The focus groups were held in rooms of the Faculty of Medical Sciences of the University of Cuenca. They were conducted with a semi-structured question guide (Table 2).

 

Table 1. In-depth interview quest= ions.

#

Qu= estion

1

Who takes care of the feeding of the children at home?

2

Who eats t= he most, the girls or the boys? and why do you think this difference exists?<= o:p>

3

What physi= cal activities do you offer girls and boys?

4

Do girls a= nd boys like the same physical activities?

5

Do girls a= nd boys behave equally in sport?

6

How should girls and boys behave at home, school, and outside?

7

In the relationship between a boy and a girl, what role does each person have?

 

Who seduce= s, who makes decisions, who has the power?

9

What are t= he expectations of girls and boys in love relationships?

10

Where rece= ive men and women a lot more common information about sexuality?

11

At what ag= e do boys and girls in your community start watching pornography?=

12

In your community, at what age does sexual activity begin? What does the family th= ink about this?

 

Table 2. Focus group questions.

#

Qu= estion

1

My daughte= r told me one day that she wanted to play football, what do you think of thi= s situation?

2

My son tol= d me one day that he wanted to be in the ballet dance, what do you say?=

3

What do yo= u think of sports clubs that include the same activities for boys and girls?=

4

Describe t= he nutrition of boys and girls at home

5

Is it true= or false, boys are more active and girls more delicate?

6

Who takes care of the feeding of the children at home?

7

How do you deal with the sexuality of daughters and sons at home?

8

How would = you react if your son or daughter asked you about contraception?

 

Testing of the pilot guide was conducted through two interviews and o= ne focus group. After testing, some changes were introduced to the semi-structu= red guide, particularly with the use of verbal, non-verbal, and crutch technique= s. The wording of the questions was changed as some words were not well underst= ood by the interviewees. Changes were also made to make the interviewees more comfortable expressing their views on the topics, such as having the interviewers avoid expressing surprise, and maintaining neutral body languag= e.

The research team consisted of professors from the University of Cuen= ca with experience in the education of girls, boys, and adolescents, and in gen= der research. The interviews lasted between 45 and 60 minutes, and 90 minutes fo= r each focus group. The interviews were conducted by two researchers who participated in the pilot test. One asked the questions and the other observ= ed, and after the interviews and focus group discussions scripts were made of wh= at happened during each event. Thereafter, the parents were asked to read the scripts and verify the correctness of what was written. All parents confirme= d the expressed and written information. This verification could not be done w= ith the focus group transcripts because we were unable to arrange a time when al= l group participants could reunite before the end of the data collection perio= d.

The team jointly cod= ed and analyzed the data in Atlas.ti. The analysis of the data was done using o= pen descriptive coding. The analysis was triangulated, and the team consulted wi= th experts in gender and sexuality regarding the interpretation of the results.= The Bioethics Committee of the University of San Francisco de Quito approved the research (registration number 2015-209E). All participants signed informed consent. The study respected the bioethical principles of the Declaration of Helsinki.

 <= /p>

 <= /p>

3.      &= nbsp;    = RESULTS

Stereotypes and roles throughout children's lives

Twenty-five out of the thirty interviewees indicate= d that the conceptions the parents have with respect to education and caring f= or their children come from what they learned from their parents in the interes= t of preserving family morals and values, passing on the role they themselves learned.

= ÒMany times, = we have discussed with my wife and spoken loudly to the children, one thing is what they learn at school and another thing is what it should beÓ (man, 50 years old).

For most of the respondents, it was important that girls eat little a= nd engage in sensitive physical activity, that they express gentleness and beha= ve like princesses. In addition, girls are educated to take care of their sibli= ngs and, in the future, their families. Boys should eat sufficiently to be stron= g and to support the physical wear and tear of constant movement.

= ÒBut the fact= that the girl has a much more delicate activity is because she has been growing u= p under the model of a princess, dress, and delicacy..., on the other hand, bo= ys are stronger, more active, even ruder, they need to eat more, the sports the= y choose are aggressive or extremeÓ (woman, 45 years old).

= ÒA girl must collaborate, while a man has to win, has to be ahead, but a woman has to alw= ays clean, and help with the houseworkÓ (woman, 35 years old).

Boys should not play sport= s assigned to girls, such as ballet, because they would be rejected or discriminated against.

= ÒI am honest = with you, if my son told me that he was going to practice ballet, it would beat m= e up ... but I would try to be okay with it ... I am sure that his classmates would laugh at him or run away from himÓ (woman, 48 years old).

<= span lang=3DEN-US style=3D'font-size:9.0pt;mso-ansi-language:EN-US'>Children are = not told about sexuality until they are teenagers.

= ÒWe have to b= e honest... the Cuencanos are curuchupas[1]= ... no, no ... we never talk to our children about sexuality ... even when t= hey start having a boyfriend or girlfriend ... we only warn them ... the daughte= rs less ... they talk to their mothers ... they must behave like womenÓ (man, 3= 8 years old).

 

Autonomy

Interviews reveal that gir= ls are not allowed to decide or choose because they are supposed to be submissi= ve.

= ÒA woman must= be passive, quiet, and submissive, and only if she sets her mind to something c= an she do it ... because perhaps uh, that is our quieter nature of being more patientÓ (woman, 35 years old).

=  ÒBecause women are already formed si= nce they are children. A woman waits for a man to manage the sexual thing in the marriageÓ (woman, 37 years old).

 

Subalternity and motherhood<= /span>

Women are subjected to dom= estic tasks (children, cleaning, cooking), and excluded from public events (political, community, social participation). A mother dominates the childre= n with the same pattern of subalternity, making the children reproduce learned roles and stereotypes that extend even to the area of sexuality.<= /span>

= ÒSpeaking of = power, a woman knows that the man is the one who takes the initiative, as a protect= or of the relationship, the one who guides ... because a man is the one who organizes the economic part, he manages the economy better, since a woman is much more devoted to food, spends more time with the children, and is much m= ore meticulous in her care of the homeÓ (woman, 38 years old).=

= ÒThe role of = women is linked more at home, more to domestic tasks; obviously, there are exceptional cases of women who have gone out despite their multiple activiti= es as mothersÓ (man, 37 years old).

Women focus on morality and childcare at the cost of their own sacrifice. A mother exercises household management skills and emotional control. Being a mother is the main and inescapable destiny of a woman, arou= nd which life and time ought to be organized.

= ÒI give my li= fe for my children ... no matter what may happen to me or what I may sacrifice ... = the most important thing is that they are happyÓ (woman, 37 years old).

= ÒI think this= has been historical since our mothers and grandfathers; the best meat is for the husband, the father, the children even if we don't eatÓ (woman, 38 years old= ).

<= span lang=3DEN-US style=3D'font-size:9.0pt;mso-ansi-language:EN-US'> 

Body care and beauty standards

A woman's body must be car= ed for so that she is beautiful and can attract the attention of a man who will offer her marriage and provide her with a family. Later, the care of the bod= y is limited to the conception and raising of, children.

= ÒI don't know= about the girls, but maybe their mothers are already taking care of them because n= ow they have to take care of them so that they don't get fatÓ (woman, 38 years old).

The market and the media rehearse ideal models of unattainable and changeable bodies, starting from a process of incorporating social pressures= , the normalization of beauty, sexuality, and youth, which result in the objectification of the female body.<= o:p>

= ÒWomen are al= ways looking for thinness, and there have even been cases of anorexia. The media influence women to have a body of a certain size, a certain number of centim= eters. Women practically forget to eat wellÓ (man, 48 years old).=

<= span lang=3DEN-US style=3D'font-size:9.0pt;mso-ansi-language:EN-US'> 

Sexuality and marianism

The responses from the interviewees in this study indicate that parents prepare adolescents for distinct roles in sexuality as men and women. Men are allowe= d great expression and enjoyment of their sexuality, free to begin sexual activity when they wish, and are informed about contraceptive use to avoid unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. There is social pressure for adolescent males to become 'men' through sex at an early age. M= en are the conquerors; they can watch pornography and can have fun with women. Only one father indicated that men should remain abstinent.

= ÒFor example,= when you hear friends say: "you are already 15, 18 years old, you have alrea= dy had your first sexual relationship, if not - you are not a man, - you are st= ill a child" ... that is why men are more linked to internet pornography ..= . there are some cases that induce them to have sex with prostitutesÓ (man, 45 years old).

= ÒThe first se= xual relation in the case of a man is rewarded É a woman is condemned because she= is going down a bad pathÓ (man, 38 years old).

Women must fall in love and get married to have their first sexual relationship. In sexual relationships, women are the ones who love the most = and are the most faithful and unconditional. When women are unmarried, they shou= ld not have sex because they must be virgins at marriage, let alone use contraception.

= ÒMy mother ha= s always told us, advised us to be a one-man woman. We need to be virgins at marriageÓ (woman, 38 years old).

The reaction of parents to an unwanted pregnancy is different. When a man gets a woman pregnant, parents think it is a mistake that leads to monet= ary responsibility. When the daughter gets pregnant, parents think it is tragic = and the pregnancy will radically change their daughter's life plan, turning her into a woman sacrificed for the baby. In addition, a woman becomes socially discredited. Some interviewees thought that when a woman becomes pregnant it= is because she provoked the man with inappropriate seductive attitudes.

= ÒIf my daught= er gets pregnant, she stays there, gets frustrated, ends her life ... but in men, nothing happens, well he is a macho man, a man gives the money, and nothing happens. Men go on with their studies; they go on with their livesÓ (man, 50 years old).

= ÒFrom my poin= t of view, women are more promiscuous than men, those who cause teenage pregnancy= , especially in recent times. Women take the initiative and are always seducin= g a man ... with the clothes, with some movementÓ (man, 45 years old).

Few parents talk about sexuality with their children, especially with their daughters. Most of them are afraid, so teenagers seek information outs= ide the house.

= ÒIt would be = good if parents were the first sources of information because that would be correct information. There are parents who do it and do it very well and there are a= lso parents who avoid it and send third parties to inform the childrenÓ (woman, = 35 years old).

= ÒThere are pa= rents who are shocked when their daughter asks them about sex. The parents think t= hat the daughter has already started or wants to have a sex lifeÓ (woman, 48 yea= rs old).

Parents mentioned that in the current era, the onset of sexual relati= ons and drug use among adolescents is starting early. Parents said that women ha= ve lost the value of abstinence, self-care, fidelity and that these are the reasons why they get pregnant and have abortions. Parents said that women ha= ve "prostituted the word freedom" even though they are taught sex education in schools and that parents educate them with values. Parents felt that women who are libertines are those who do not have a father or are not well cared for by their mother. Finally, the parents admitted that to date, = the culture of Cuenca is still macho.

= ÒThe term "freedom for women" has been prostituted, I believe in gender equality but nowadays girls have no respect for anything, they have no value= s, they change partners, they have relationships with their best friend, with someone else's boyfriend, they say harsh words, they drink liquor just like = men É then promiscuity is the order of the dayÓ (woman, 39 years old).

= ÒI've often s= een in public schools that girls who start a sex life early are because they don't have a father and because the mother has a boyfriend, so the daughter learns= Ó (male, 36 years old).

Parents believe that sexuality should be developed within marriage an= d that the free union is not a socially accepted marital status. Women are exclusively responsible for maintaining the institutionalization of marriage= .

ÒEhhh, I teach my children= that ... yes, marriage is an institution that God created and that we must contin= ue to maintain it. I personally teach my children that free union is not goodÓ (woman, 43 years old).

 

Changing gender roles and stereotypes

Two women and one man out = of the thirty participants report that gender stereotypes and roles are changin= g due to women's involvement in the workplace, better education, economic independence, and participation in the political sphere and in jobs led by women. Parents admit that some girls are physically as active as men, eat equally or more, and participate in sports that a few years ago were assigne= d only to men. It is expressed that women are sometimes more autonomous than m= en and that they make better decisions because they think calmly.

ÒWomen have spent many yea= rs relegated by the male sex, and this time they are occupying a leadership position in administrative or executive positions. Women are much more competitive, they try to maintain their independence ... while still being g= ood mothers and good wivesÓ (man, 48 years old).

ÒWe see different types of girls; some are very active who go out to play football with menÓ (woman, 42 years old).

Some girls take the initiative in falling in love; they are not inhibited. Girls consider that getting married and starting a family is not = the only way of self-fulfillment even when they became pregnant.

= ÒWe see at sc= hool parties where the girls take the initiative and ask the boys to dance. The b= oys are still playing with robots, football, while the girls are flirting with them, they dare to invite them, to call themÓ (man, 38 years old).

ÒThere are women who, despite becoming pregnant, no longer want to ge= t married because they want to continue studying and be someone in lifeÓ (woma= n, 36 years old).

 

 

4.&nb= sp;          = DISCUSSION

 

The thirty parents interviewed in this research, twenty-three women and seven men, all with a university degree and some with= a postgraduate diploma, expressed that they acquire from their families the gender roles and stereotypes they assign to their children. Women are educat= ed not to be autonomous because their roles should be submissive and to care fo= r others. Men are taught to be strong, to be protective, and make decisions. T= he interviews reflect that a woman must be beautiful and virtuous to win a man = who will provide her with a family. Women must be pure, marry to be mothers, and sacrifice for the sake of the family. Men can express enjoyment and freedom = in their sexuality while women are boxed into the pattern of abstinence and sex= ual submission in order not to be branded as a "bad women". Some interviewed women indicated that they would not like their sons to take on female roles because they are afraid of them being laughed at. Some fathers expressed that the new sexual roles women are taking on lead to premature pregnancies and immoral lives. A minority of participants hold new concepts that break with the conventional gender roles and stereotypes for women.

Equivalent results are found in studies around the globe, such as wit= h Israeli children (Goldner & Levi, 2014), Australian adolescents (Ferrar = et al., 2012), and children, and adolescents in the Philippines (Nœ–ez e= t al., 2015), which indicate that the way children and adolescents eat, do physical activity, perceive body beauty, relate to their partners, and exerc= ise sexuality is developed according to gender stereotypes of masculinity and femininity. In Latin America, a study of women in Honduras reports that moth= ers educate their daughters to marry and have children and those parents follow = the patriarchal-subaltern model and restrict women's autonomy in sexuality (Giordano et al., 2009).

The findings of this research are also consistent with that of other Ecuadorian research on gender roles and sexuality. These studies indicate th= at adolescent girls are controlled by their parents to obey them, not to go out= at night, not drink alcohol and not be ÒeasyÓ with men. Women who do not fulfil= l this role are called a slut. In educational institutions, adolescent girls a= re ridiculed for early pregnancies, for being single mothers. The use of contraceptives by women is not socially approved because it might promote casual sex. In the family, adolescent girls who have sex are often victims o= f violence. Women mention that when they were in love, sex happened without thinking, spontaneously, and without the use of contraceptives because they could have Òruined the momentÓ (De Meyer et al., 2014; Boira et al= ., 2017; Blum et al., 2019). These factors influence the high prevalence= of adolescent pregnancy (Goicolea et al., 2010; De Meyer et al., 2017). In Ecuador, most pregnant adolescent women are abandoned by their partners and are forced to face motherhood alone (Goicolea et al., 2010).

Goicolea's Ecuadorian study found four types of stereotypes and roles about girls' sexuality. The first sex is not for fun, a moralistic thought t= hat assumes that women should be abstinent and that it is, therefore, wrong to u= se contraceptives (health professionals, including gynecologists, shared this view). A second group, "gender sexuality and parenthood", repeats parenting roles handed down by parents. The third, "professionalizing a= dolescent pregnancy", approaches the prevention of pregnancy from a biological approach rather than from a broader psychosocial prevention perspective. Finally, the "idealization of the traditional family", is that the best way to protect adolescents from sex is by teaching traditional family values (Goicolea et al., 2010).

The study conducted by Boira (2017) with Ecuadorian university studen= ts of medicine and psychology indicated that the gender roles and stereotypes caused hostile sexism (antipathetic attitude towards women because they are = in an inferior position to men) and benevolent (overprotective) sexism generati= ng psychological and physical violence against the partner (Boira et al.= , 2017). This is a worrying situation because they are the future professional= s in areas that will provide care in cases of violence.

The results o= f this research adhere to the gender roles and stereotypes within the patriarchal model, which includes the themes of subaltern care, motherhood, marianism, b= ody care, and beauty norms. The beliefs and behaviors of CuencaÕs society did no= t change despite the active participation of feminist groups, the new Ecuadori= an law on gender equality, and the enactment of sexual and reproductive rights (V‡sconez Rodriguez, 2016). This persistence of traditional gender roles and stereotypes may be due to the following causes: a) the overvaluation of the Christian principles of the Ecuadorian Cuencano family centered on religion (Mart’nez Borrero, 2017; Goicolea et al., 2010); b) the resurgence in Ecuador, and Latin America of extremely conservative movements such as the so-called "con mis hijos no te metas" (Òdon't mess with my childre= nÓ) (Meneses, 2019) that condemn gender diversity and sexual orientation; groups that find support for this condemnation in the news media and government authorities (De Franco, 2020; Berni, 2018; Diario El Comercio, 2017); and c) advertising that stereotypical images of beauty, directing the population to seek perfect bodies, causing those who do not meet these criteria to be disc= riminated (Bueno, 2017; Mu–oz Morillo, 2015). A qualitative study that analyzed advertising spots on Ecuadorian television revealed that women are presented= as the expert protagonist of household chores, as invisible in the public spher= e, as aesthetic and/or sexual symbols; and that these messages reach children a= nd adolescents (Elizundia & Yaulema, 2021).

The persistence of these roles and stereotypes mark the subalternity = not only of the relationships between men and women in the family, at school and amongst close circles of friends, but also mark the subalternity in society = of categories of domination and submission such as: heterosexuality and homosexuality, beauty and ugliness, gender that corresponds to biological se= x and gender diversity; for this reason, there has been a continuation of femicides in Ecuador. The Ecumenical Human Rights Commission (CEDH) register= ed 80 cases of femicide from the 1st of January to the 22nd of June 2017 (Berni, 2018).

The expressions of the interviewees about the change of stereotypes a= nd gender roles towards diversity and gender equality are in line with the resu= lts of similar research conducted in Latin America and Spain, which indicate tha= t roles are changing; there are more women in the public workspace and there a= re more men taking on housework (del R’o-Lozano et al., 2013; Torres et al= ., 2002).

A limitation of the study was the low participation of men in the interviews and focus groups. Similarly, the research  group consisted only of wome= n. Other factors hindering the generalization of findings are the overall small size of the interviewed group of parents and the fact that this group consis= ted only of highly educated mothers and fathers. In addition, the study failed t= o consider the effect of modern communication and media on the way parents, children and adolescents think and behave on the gender roles and stereotype= s in sexuality. Despite those limitations, the exploratory study provided the building blocks for further research that shall focus on the effect of the modernization of society on the parental perceptions of gender roles in the sexuality of children and adolescents.

 

 

5.&nb= sp;          = CONCLUSIONS

 

Parents reproduce the stereotypes and gender roles of the patriarchal model. However, gender stereotypes and roles are changing due to the education of women and the incorporation of women into the labor market, making them more autonomous in the selection of life projects and in their sexuality. Programs for parents on autonomy in gender identity and sexuality are needed to change stereotypes and roles that impede the optimal developme= nt of children and adolescents' sexuality.

 <= /p>

 <= /p>

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

 

The authors would like to = thank the parents of the children for their enthusiastic assistance. We also thank Jan Feyen, Stuart Blume and Glen Newell, who provided thoughtful feedback developing this article.

 

 

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<= o:p> 


 <= /o:p>


 

 



= [1] A word used by the people of Cuenca = for a person who flaunts his religiosity and has, at the same time, a dubious priv= ate life.

 

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MASKANA, Vol. 13, No. 1, 21-= 29, 2022

https://publicaciones.ucuenc= a.edu.ec/ojs/index.php/maskana/article/view/4177

doi: 10.1853= 7/mskn.13.01.03

© Author(s) 2022. CC Attribution 4.0 License.

 

 Publi= cado por VIUC - Vicerrectorado de Investigaci—n de la Universidad de Cuenca        &= nbsp;            = ;            &nb= sp;            &= nbsp;            1

L. Huiracocha-Tutiven et al.: Perspectives of educated parents on the gender roles and stereotypes

MASKANA, Vol. 13= , No. 1, 21-29, 2022

doi: 10.18537/ms= kn.13.01.03        &= nbsp;            = ;            &nb= sp;            &= nbsp;            = ;            &nb= sp;            &= nbsp;            = ;            &nb= sp;            &= nbsp;            = ;            &nb= sp;            &= nbsp; 

MASKANA, Vol. 1= 3, No. 1, 61-66, 2022

doi: 10.18537/m= skn.13.01.08        =             &nbs= p;            &n= bsp;            =             &nbs= p;            &n= bsp;            =             &nbs= p;            &n= bsp;            =             &nbs= p;            &n= bsp;            =    40

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